In Edward Shorter's essay, "Middle-Class Anxiety in the German Revolution of 1848," he attempts to show that the "disaffected middles classes" were the main source of unrest during the political upheaval in 1848 Germany. He uses a number of responses that were generated by Maximilian's royal essay contest as the main evidence for his claim. A few holes, however, develop over the course of his argument that do not fully bring his theory to a decisive conclusion. The first problem is that Shorter regards the 656 essays entered into the contest as a "remarkable response." He tries to make the reader believe that these essays are a comprehensive public opinion poll that adequetly represents the entire middle classes throughout the German-speaking nations. While useful information regarding the social changes seen through the lense of the middle class can certainly be derived from the essays, the responses are hardly all-inlcusive. Furthermore, he stretches the definition of what qualifies for inclusion in the middle class (p. 194). For instance, he includes certain peasants as middle class, which demonsrtates that he is just broadening his definition of middle classes to include those in the lower classes that actually were radical and reactionary. He also purports the middle class to account for a "hefty proportion" of the social makeup at this time, but this is an assumption based on no evidence. He uses this sentence to give weight to his overall argument, but without supporting evidence it is just baseless.
Shorter further states that they added a "radical element to the agitation" of the revolution. He describes instances where some of those who used to be considered middle class, such as impoverished artisins, are in the streets demanding action and change. However, the focus of his evidence is on the essays and in none of the responses he describes do they demostrate any type of reactionary or radical tones or calls to action. He defines the authors of these essays as middle class radicals and then takes the actual activities of perhaps some middle classes in the streets and lumps them together as evidence for all-inclusive middle class radicals thoughout the German-speaking nations. He uses invalid definitions of the middle class to draw his ultimate conclusion.
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You make a good point about the holes in Shorter's essay. While he does market the 656 essays as a "remarkable response", the argument could be made that, for the time, this was a remarkable response for the time. In today's society 656 essays would be the amount some public schools include for one class. Maybe Shorter is looking at the numbers and what they meant at the time?
ReplyDeleteThat's a good point!
ReplyDeleteyes! another supporter for the anti-shorter-middle-class-essay-contest-attempt-at-proving-a-point coalition. maybe our coalition can be just like shorter's middle classes, complain a little about what we don't like and then be later labeled as radicals. sounds awesome to me. all recognition with little action. btw, i like in particular your point that none of the essays exhibit radical behavior.
ReplyDeleteI like how you analyze the source base Shorter is using to make his points. Certainly, the number of essays and the fact that contest represents a largely Bavarian sample raises questions about the validity of large claims that Shorter seeks to make. However, I think he is actually to be commended for his careful definition of 'middle class', a highly nebulous term too often used and too seldom adequately defined. His 'lower middle class' or slipping artisans did face significant changes to their lives and social standings. In what way does Shorter argue that they are 'radical"?
ReplyDeleteIn response to Modern Germany: I thought the way he intertwined the essays and radical actions that were occuring in the streets as one in the same. Thus lumping them together as entire group of radicals. Perhaps that was an assumption I made.
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